Gulf leaks

Impera

Active Member
عاجلة وســـرية

السفارة في بيروت


إشارة لبرقيتكم رقم 208/1/1/818 وتاريخ 15/11/1433هـ بشأن المعلومات المتوفرة لديكم بأن إيران على إستعداد لتمويل (بيير الظاهر) مالك محطة (LBC) بشرط تركيزها على الشيعة في المملكة والخليج.


نفيدكم برغبة وزارة الثقافة والإعلام موافاتها عاجلاٍ بما تم في هذا الموضوع . تحياتنا

الخارجية


 

joseph_lubnan

Legendary Member
Did joseph_jubnan 's request for more funds to finance his oroom.org campaign leak yet or not?

It is really pathetic all these people and institutions lining up for handouts. Saudi is ungraceful in how it buys influence.

There is no reason to believe that these documents are fake and everyone knew Saudi money was flowing, it is no real news for most.
 

SeaAb

Legendary Member
Staff member
Super Penguin
Tahseen Khayyat's wife: No likey - No Visa
0f0f449a-4608-4203-b7bb-bbf6f9ea658b.tif
 

joseph_lubnan

Legendary Member
so you think this is just a PR issue and no real threat to democracy.

All foreign interference is a threat to democracy and money high up there on the list of foreign interference, and weapons are even higher on the list. I wasn't talking about that, I rather was pointing out that if M8 applied itself well they can create a great PR campaign that benefits them politically.
 

J_Raad1450

Well-Known Member
All foreign interference is a threat to democracy and money high up there on the list of foreign interference, and weapons are even higher on the list. I wasn't talking about that, I rather was pointing out that if M8 applied itself well they can create a great PR campaign that benefits them politically.
Stop giving advice to M8. I will give a personal advice, time for you to reflect. It seems people that you supported are form of "Abou Elias" from "Seif 840" for Rahbani brothers. Get it? No?
 

Booyakasha

Legendary Member
Ahama shi he has a relation with a shite shite... ya lelhawl a shite woman!!!! Like why the hell do they need to mention the religious sect FIRST of anyone they mention?!

Because they're frigging sectarian pigs.. a notch ahead of their Lebanese counterparts who insist on asking a stranger what his family name is to know what religious group he belongs to.
 

HannaTheCrusader

Legendary Member
Orange Room Supporter
And teh Saudi secret service was suppose to be the top notch in the kingdom
Tel3o tje2jou2 bi tjou2jou2 wa staff 7aki wa namimme, zAyn neswan Al fourenn

Below is a smaller of how smart they are

Most reports based on the person whims and most policies made on gut feelings
Bedwins ,
يبدو ان نموذج محمد زهير الصديق، «الشاهد الملك» (سابقاً) لدى التحقيق الدولي في جريمة اغتيال الرئيس رفيق الحريري، لاقى نجاحاً لدى الاستخبارات السعودية. الصدّيق كان يعرف كل شيء. التقى «منفذي الجريمة» جميعاً، معاً، ومتفرقين. شاركهم إصدار القرار والتخطيط والتنفيذ بكل حذافيره. يمكن اختصار روايته تلك بأنه كان مع كل المنفذين، في كل زمان، وفي كل مكان.

ويبدو ان الاستخبارات العامة السعودية اعتمدت الصديّق مدرسةً في توظيفها للمخبرين. تقارير هذه الاستخبارات التي ظهرت في وثائق «ويكيليكس» تنقسم إلى قسمين: الأول هو معلومات عامة للغاية، متوفرة في وسائل الإعلام والمواقع الالكترونية. تُصاغ في تقارير تصنّف سرية، وتمهر بتوقيع رئيس الاستخبارات (كان الرئيس السابق، مقرن بن عبد العزيز، يضع كلمة «الخادم» قبل اسمه في البرقيات التي يبعث بها إلى الملك). وتحت مقدّمة «معلومات توفرت لدى رئاسة الاستخبارات العامة»، تُحشى البرقيات بكلام عام، فيه الكثير من الإطناب والحشو اللفظي والدعائي (على سبيل المثال، وفي برقية صادرة في حزيران 2012 بشأن ردود الفعل اللبنانية على رسالة الملك السعودي للرئيس ميشال سليمان، يقول مقرن: «يرى المواطنون اللبنانيون بمختلف أطيافهم وتوجهاتهم بأن الرسالة تمثل مفتاح الحل في ظل الأزمة التي يعاني منها لبنان». عبارة تعميمية يندر ان ترد إلا في الإعلام الموجّه، لكنها تُقدّم للملك السعودي بصفتها معلومات خاصة من الاستخبارات العامة).
القسم الثاني يتضمن معلومات «خطيرة»، حصّلتها الاستخبارات السعودية من مصادرها «السرية». إحدى أبرز البرقيات تقول فيها إن معاون نائب الرئيس السوري، اللواء محمد ناصيف، عقد اجتماعاً في دمشق، يوم 3/2/2012، مع مسؤولين لبنانيين، «لتكليفهم بالقيام بأعمال امنية ضد الجماعات السلفية والإخوان المسلمين المتواجدين في لبنان، لان النظام السوري يرى بأنهم متورطون بالأعمال والتحركات التي تشهدها سوريا منذ ما يقارب العام». وهذا «التكليف» يأتي في إطار «سعي النظام السوري للقضاء على المجموعات السلفية التي بدأت تتخذ من عاصمة لبنان مقراً لها، خاصة في المناطق السنية».
«اهمية» المعلومات ليست في أصل الاجتماع ولا في مضمونه، بقدر ما هي في أسماء «حاضريه» من الجانب اللبناني، وهم:
الوزير علي حسن خليل، النائب عاصم قانصوه، الوزير السابق عبدالرحيم مراد، رئيس حزب التيار العربي شاكر البرجاوي، القائد السابق للواء الحرس الجمهوري العميد مصطفى حمدان، النائب السابق نجاح واكيم ونائبه في رئاسة حركة الشعب ابراهيم الحلبي، النائب السابق علي عيد، والوزير السابق وئام وهاب.

وافق بعد تعرضه للتهديد بتصفيته». بعض هذه الشخصيات بينها عداوات، وبعضها الآخر لم تجمعهما غرفة واحدة منذ عقود. لكن لا فرق. فمخبرو استخبارات آل سعود لا يتوقفون عن بث المعلومات الخطيرة. وعلى المنوال ذاته، يُتبع مقرن برقيته بأخرى، يؤكد فيها أن وهاب تلقى شحنة من الأسلحة والمتفجرات من الجبهة الشعبية ــ القيادة العامة. «وتم تخزينها في مخزن خاص بحزب التوحيد، في بلدة الجاهلية بإقليم الخروب (فات مخبر مقرن انها في الشوف لا في الإقليم). والحزب المذكور تلقى عناصره وكوادره مؤخراً دورات امنية مكثفة أشرف عليها مدربين سوريين وإيرانيين (كذا)».
هذه «المعلومات» تُعامَل بجدية في الرياض، فيرسلها وزير الخارجية سعود الفيصل إلى السفارة في لبنان، طالباً تزويده بمعلومات عن وهاب وحزبه. وبعد نحو شهرين، ترسل السفارة تقريراً عن وهاب، لتجيب الخارجية بوجوب «الحذر منه». كان ذلك قبل 7 أشهر من تلقي الملك السعودي رسالة من وهاب، ثم تحسّن علاقة الأخير، نسبياً، بالسعودية.
التقارير الاستخبارية عن لبنان وسوريا، تكاد لا تخلو من اسم أحمد جبريل، قائد «الجبهة الشعبية ــ القيادة العامة». فهو الذي سلّم المتفجرات والأسلحة لوهاب. وهو الذي ايدرّب المعارضين الخليجيين بقرار إيراني ــــ سوريفي معسكراته «في دمشق واللاذقية»، بهدف «إثارة الاضطرابات في دول الخليج وإعدادهم لتكليف خلايا نائمة». وهو الذي يساعد حزب الله والحرس الثوري الإيراني على «إنشاء قواعد عسكرية جديدة في لبنان، على امتداد 40 كلم من جبال رياق في البقاع على حدود عرسال الواقعة على الحدود السورية». لم يخبر أحد الاستخبارات السعودية بأن رياق تقع في سهل منبسط ولا جبال فيها. لا يهم، وخاصة إذا وردت «المعلومة» في تقرير يقول إن حزب الله كلّف أحد عناصره بالمسؤولية عن «مناطق الأرز ــ بشري ــ عيون السيمان بهدف إقامة قواعد عسكرية لحزب الله والحرس الثوري الإيراني، وهناك اتصالات يجريها المذكور مع بعض وجهاء بلدات جبال عكار مثل فنيدق وعكار العتيقة لتأمين الحماية لتلك القواعد العسكرية». وبكل جدية وثقة، يقترح مدير الاستخبارات السعودية على الملك التواصل مع الدول الغربية، وخاصة فرنسا، لمنع حزب الله من إقامة هذه القواعد.
معلومات الاستخبارات السعودية الفائقة السرية والاهمية والموثوقية، لا تتوقف عند هذا الحد. ففي تقرير صادر عام 2012، يقول مقرن إن معلومات توفرت لديه عن «قيام حزب الله بعقد اجتماع يوم الخميس الموفق (كذا) 3/7/1433 هـ لمناقشة الوضع في سوريا وموضوع اللبنانيين المختطفين على الأراضي السورية. وقد نتج عن هذا الاجتماع قرار استهداف المواطنين السعوديين والقطريين المتواجدين على الأراضي اللبنانية خصوصاً الشخصيات المهمة منهم». وبناءً على هذه المعلومات، يقترح مقرن بن عبدالعزيز على ملكه إصدار بيان تحذيري للمواطنين السعوديين بمغادرة لبنان وعدم السفر إليه، ورفع مستوى الحيطة والحذر في السفارة، وفضح «مخطط حزب الله» في الإعلام و»الإيعاز لوسائل الإعلام الموالية لقوى 14 آذار في لبنان بطرح هذه القضية من أجل تعرية حزب الله ومخططاته أمام الرأي العام العربي والدولي».
في المحصلة، لا تكشف وثائق ويكيليكس حصراً حقيقة أن آل سعود لا يجيدون سوى دفع الاموال لشراء الذمم، وتبذيرها في غير مواضعها الصحيحة، بل تُبرز أيضاً، بوضوح، مدى الاهتراء الذي تعاني منه أجهزة النظام. اهتراء يجعل محمد زهير الصديق مثالاً أعلى للاستخبارات العامة في السعودية. ومجدداً، لا حيلة امام النظام السعودي سوى في شراء مجموعات القتل، من نيكاراغوا الى بئر العبد وأفغانستان، وصولاً إلى سوريا.
 

J. Abizeid

Well-Known Member
http://mobile.nytimes.com/2015/06/2...audis-checkbook-diplomacy.html?referrer=&_r=1


Cables Released by WikiLeaks Reveal Saudis’ Checkbook Diplomacy


Saudi leaders, whose portraits are displayed at the stock exchange in Riyadh, have not confirmed the leak’s authenticity.

BEIRUT, Lebanon — It seems that everyone wants something from Saudi Arabia.

Before becoming the president of Egypt, Mohamed Morsi wanted visas to take his family on a religious pilgrimage. A Lebanese politician begged for cash to pay his bodyguards. Even the state news agency of Guinea, in West Africa, asked for $2,000 “to solve many of the problems the agency is facing.”

They all had good reason to ask, as the kingdom has long wielded its oil wealth and religious influence to try to shape regional events and support figures sympathetic to its worldview.

These and other revelations appear in a trove of documents said to have come from inside the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs and released on Friday by the group WikiLeaks.

While the documents appear to contain no shocking revelations about Saudi Arabia, say, eavesdropping on the United States or shipping bags of cash to militant groups, they contain enough detail to shed light on the diplomacy of a deeply private country and to embarrass Saudi officials and those who lobby them for financial aid. And they allow the curious to get a glimpse of the often complex interactions between a kingdom seen by many as the rich uncle of Middle East and its clients, from Africa to Australia.

In a statement carried by the Saudi state news agency on Saturday, a foreign ministry spokesman, Osama Nugali, acknowledged that the documents were related to a recent electronic attack on the ministry.

He warned Saudis not to “help the enemies of the homeland” by sharing the documents, adding that many were “clearly fabricated.” Those who distribute the documents will be punished under the country’s cybercrimes law, he said.

Mr. Nugali also struck a defiant tone, saying the documents were essentially in line with the “state’s transparent policies” and its public statements on “numerous regional and international issues.”

More than 60,000 documents have been released so far, with WikiLeaks promising more to come. They include identification cards, visa requests and summaries of news media coverage of the kingdom. The most informative are diplomatic cables from Saudi embassies around the world to the foreign ministry, many of which are then passed along to the office of the king for final decisions.

Many of the cables are incomplete, making it hard to determine their date and context, and very few indicate which requests were approved by the king and ultimately carried out. Most documents focus on a turbulent period in the Middle East, beginning after the popular uprisings that toppled Arab leaders in 2011 and continuing through early this year.

Clear in many of the documents are efforts by Saudi Arabia, a Sunni power, to combat the influence of Shiite Iran, its regional rival, as well as Iranian proxies like Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shiite militant group and political party.

Cables about Iraq suggest efforts to support politicians who opposed Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, then the Shiite prime minister of Iraq, who was close to Iran. One said the kingdom had given 2,000 pilgrimage visas to Mr. Maliki’s chief rival, Ayad Allawi, to distribute as he saw fit.

Another cable from the Saudi Embassy in Beirut relayed a request by a Christian politician, Samir Geagea, for cash to relieve his party’s financial problems. The cable noted that Mr. Geagea had stood up for the kingdom in news media interviews, opposed the Syrian government of President Bashar al-Assad and had shown “his preparedness to do whatever the kingdom asks of him.”

A spokesman for Mr. Geagea did not respond to requests for comment on Saturday.

“Are there just more Lebanese begging Saudis for money or does my timeline skew toward Lebanon?”
wrote one Twitter user, Laleh Khalili, noting the frequency of such requests from Beirut.

Other cables show Saudi Arabia working to maintain its regional influence. One accused Qatar, another Persian Gulf state known for oil wealth and cash-based diplomacy, of stirring up trouble in Yemen, Saudi Arabia’s southern neighbor, by backing a rich politician to the tune of $250 million.

And a few cables implied that Saudi leaders had negotiated with the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt after the revolution that ousted President Hosni Mubarak, a longtime Saudi ally. One document said a leader in the Brotherhood had said the group could ensure that Mr. Mubarak would not go to prison in exchange for $10 billion.

But a handwritten note on the document said paying “ransom” for Mr. Mubarak was “not a good idea” because the Brotherhood could not prevent his incarceration.

The documents also indicate concerted Saudi efforts to shape news media coverage, both inside and outside the kingdom.

One cable suggested that the government pressure an Arab satellite provider to take an Iranian television station off the air. In another cable, the foreign minister suggests that the provider use “technical means to lessen the Iranian broadcast strength.”

Other documents suggest intervention at the highest levels to shape domestic media coverage in a way that suits the rulers.

In an early 2012 cable marked “top secret and urgent,” King Abdullah told top ministers about new talks between the kingdom and Russia over the crisis in Syria and asked them to “direct the media not to expose Russian personalities and to avoid offending them so as not to harm the kingdom’s interests.”

Missing from the documents is any evidence of direct Saudi support for militant groups in Syria or elsewhere.

Bruce Riedel, a former Central Intelligence Agency officer now at the Brookings Institution, said that while considerable evidence of such programs exists, they are handled by the kingdom’s intelligence services, and the foreign ministry is often “not in the loop.”

“That allows the Saudis to have plausible deniability and to liaison with other intelligence services aiding the rebels,” he said.

Some found the documents underwhelming, noting that similar activities are carried out by many countries, including the United States.

“There is not really something shocking that compromises Saudi security,” said Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, a political science professor in the United Arab Emirates, who had read about 100 cables.

Everyone knows that Saudi Arabia practices checkbook diplomacy, he said, adding that it now had to compete for clients with other rich states, like Qatar, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates.

One surprise in the documents, he said, is that the former Saudi foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal, had to seek the permission of the king before proceeding with even minor matters.

“It seems that the king is the king in Saudi Arabia, no matter how princely you are,” Dr. Abdulla said.

Other surprising finds showed up in the WikiLeaks’ net.

The Lebanese singer Nancy Ajram, known for shocking conservative Muslims with her sexy music videos, received a visa and visited a Saudi prince inside the kingdom despite instructions that all visas for artists and singers be preapproved by the Interior Ministry, according to the documents.

The foreign ministry branch in Mecca responded that Ms. Ajram had received the visa to travel with her husband and had come on a personal visit, not in her capacity as an artist.

Also in the cache was an email to a foreign ministry official from a technology company called StarLink, whose website says it is a “trusted security adviser.”

Reached by phone, the company’s business development manager, Mahmoud Odeh, confirmed that StarLink had provided computer security services to the Saudi government.

When asked what he thought of the leaks, Mr. Odeh hung up.

Correction: June 21, 2015
An earlier version of this article misstated the amount of money that a leaked Saudi cable said would be needed to keep former President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt out of prison. It was $10 billion, not $10 million.
 

J. Abizeid

Well-Known Member
Mr. Geagea had stood up for the kingdom in news media interviews, opposed the Syrian government of President Bashar al-Assad and had shown “his preparedness to do whatever the kingdom asks of him.”

Can someone define the meaning of the word "prostitution"?
I like to hear the answer from the LFers on this forum...
What a disgrace...
 

ForeverOrange

Well-Known Member
Joseph-Lubnan: does it bother you that every person mentioned in these cables, the first defining characteristic is his sect.

Do you think that the Iranian cables, if/when leaked, would say: I met today with Salim al hos, a sunni man...

doesn't it bother you that your group bows down to these bedouins and their kingdom of darkness, while pretending it's the model school of governance?
 

J. Abizeid

Well-Known Member
Joseph-Lubnan: does it bother you that every person mentioned in these cables, the first defining characteristic is his sect.

Do you think that the Iranian cables, if/when leaked, would say: I met today with Salim al hos, a sunni man...

doesn't it bother you that your group bows down to these bedouins and their kingdom of darkness, while pretending it's the model school of governance?
He only works here...
 
Top