Women’s rights in Lebanon

Robin Hood

Robin Hood

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Apr. 03, 2015 | 12:27 AM
Domestic violence law still not fully applied


File- Women protest the lack of legislation against domestic violence in Beirut. (The Daily Star/Stringer)
Mazin Sidahmed| The Daily Star
BEIRUT: Nearly one year since the passage of monumental legislation to criminalize domestic violence, activists are taking stock on just how much – or how little – has changed in Law No. 293’s inaugural year.
The initial passage of the law was mired by controversy because it was amended under pressure from different religious groups.
Regardless, civil society groups and activists still consider the law an achievement that resulted from years of lobbying for legislation on domestic violence.
But how has the legislation performed in its inaugural year?
While the law has been successfully used to protect victims of domestic violence, civil society groups argue that problems remain with implementing the legislation.
All involved parties, such as lawyers, judges and victims, are still confused about how to use the law, while many people are unaware of its existence, they say.
Furthermore, on many occasions personal status or family courts governed by religious authorities have undermined the civil courts.
Civil society groups have launched several initiatives to try and address these issues.
Women’s rights organization Kafa launched a new guide booklet Wednesday to aid judges and lawyers in passing judgements and utilizing the law.
The booklet, titled “The Challenges of Implementing Law No. 293,” features the results of discussions between legal officials on various loopholes and unaddressed issues within the law and how different judges have approached them. It also details past decisions taken on the law.
For instance, the booklet provides guidance on how to interpret the law’s definition of the punishments for domestic violence, when children should be considered eligible for protection and what documentation is required to pass a decision.
It also highlights that judges can use international conventions that Lebanon has ratified which often offer more protection than the law.
The booklet was launched during a news conference at the Beirut Bar Association, where its head George Jreige, Judge Maya Kanaan, Judge Jad Maalouf, and the head of the Family Council at the Beirut Bar Association Iqbal Doughan spoke on their experiences with the law.
Judge Maalouf, of the urgent matters court, spoke about how judges can often get lost in the technicalities of the law and forget the human aspect. He stressed the importance of judges making defendants feel welcomed and ensuring that they trust the court.
Faten Abou Chacra, project coordinator at Kafa, told The Daily Star that the law was passed at an ideal time as Kafa had been providing sensitivity training to judges and security officials for several years prior on the issue of domestic violence.
These seem to have paid off as judges have been widely interpreting the law beyond its limited scope.
According to Rothna Begum, a women’s rights researcher for Human Rights Watch, as of January 2015, 60 protection orders were issued.
Judges have also been interpreting the law more broadly to include psychological violence.
But Begum stressed that there was still very little coordination between different government bodies on enforcing the law.
For instance, even when protection orders are issued, the police are not informed until a perpetrator violates the protection order.
“One year on since the law’s passage, we welcome some steps by the Lebanese authorities to protect women from domestic violence,” Begum told The Daily Star. “However, the authorities must take this opportunity now to fully implement the law as a matter of priority by ensuring there is a national strategy in place to enforce the law including setting up coordination between various government agencies.”
Brigitte Chelebian, lawyer and director of Justice Without Frontiers in Lebanon, said a lack of awareness was the main problem facing the law. “It is very needed to say that not all lawyers are aware of this law, not all women are aware of this law, not all judges are aware of this law,” she said.
During a program – implemented in a partnership between Justice Without Frontiers and NGO ActionAid – to educate communities around Lebanon about the law, Chelebian said they encountered people across the country that were completely unaware of the law’s existence.
She said she also receives calls from lawyers who do not know how to implement the law.
Another difficulty is the conflict between personal status courts governed by religious authorities and civil courts, Chelebian said.
Decisions passed in the civil courts on issues such as custody of children or alimony can be overturned in the personal status courts. Law No. 239 stipulates that personal status laws take precedent over decisions passed using the law.
Chelebian fears that if victims lose custody of their children or are not provided alimony payments, they may be encouraged to go back to their husbands.
As several members of the panel highlighted during their speech, the law is the first step in protecting victims of domestic violence but there is a long path ahead.
Domestic violence law still not fully applied | News , Lebanon News | THE DAILY STAR
 
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  • Robin Hood

    Robin Hood

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    By: Nizar Saghieh
    Published Monday, June 9, 2014
    The fact that a court has ruled based on the Law on the Protection of Women and Family from Domestic Violence is a watershed event, not only because it sets a precedent after the law in question was approved, but also because it involved a legal interpretation extrapolating the law with a view to correct some of its shortcomings, led by the limited definitions of violence covered by the law.
    On May 31, 2014, a court ruled in a case for the first time ever based on the Law on the Protection of Women and Family from Domestic Violence. Upon reading the merits of the verdict, one will quickly see that the interim relief judge in Beirut, Jad Maaloud, not only enforced the provisions of the law in question, but also exercised a pioneering role by extrapolating its provisions, addressing its most prominent shortcomings, including the definitions of violence it covers.
    The ruling went beyond the cases of violence specified by Article 2 of the law, and included, according to the ruling and the judge’s interpretation of the article in question, other cases that the law had not mentioned, such as psychological violence, including verbal abuse, humiliation, seizure of identification papers, mobile phones, and preventing the victim from leaving the domicile.
    I had previously referred to the problematic definitions of violence included in the law in the articles, Lebanon’s law to protect women: redefining domestic violence and Legal protection against domestic violence in Lebanon, but which violence are we discussing? (Arabic). In those articles, I explained how legislators introduced fundamental amendments to the draft law they had received from the Council of Ministers.
    Before the amendment, the draft defined violence as “any act that could result in harm or suffering.” However, legislators narrowed down the scope of this definition, linking it to the acts that constitute one of the offenses enumerated by the law. This way, the law ended up excluding all other types of violence, such as psychological violence, including acts mostly derived from entrenched patriarchal traditions, such as forcing girls to marry or preventing women from leaving the house.
    The court’s ruling was revolutionary in terms of its definition of violence, and consequently, it is a cause for optimism for women’s groups.
    The legislators justified their amendments by arguing that linking violence to psychological suffering would produce a very loose definition and could lead to absurd results, such as with husbands claiming to be suffering because their wives are refraining from intercourse.
    Accordingly, I concluded in the aforementioned articles that legislators were trying to prevent interpretations of the nature of violence by reinforcing an odd principle, namely that no violence would have officially occurred unless it is mentioned by the law. The rationale: to avoid a repeat of what happened with juvenile court judges looking into protecting children at risk, that is, to prevent interim relief judges from extrapolating the definitions of violence to issue rulings to protect victims, as juvenile court judges had done previously with children at risk, when they applied the law in cases where children’s mental health was in danger. Previously, (especially in 2007), rulings by juvenile judges caused outrage among religious leaders, after judges decided to suspend Sharia court rulings requiring transfer of child custody from mothers to fathers, citing risk to the child’s mental health.
    From this standpoint, the court’s ruling was revolutionary in terms of its definition of violence, and consequently, it is a cause for optimism for women’s groups, women in general, and the public regarding the ability of the justice system to answer a large number of reservations and concerns about the effectiveness of the law in protecting women.
    This converges with other “messages” sent out by judges before the law was passed; the judges had set out a series of principles, such as placing human safety above all else, declaring commitment to the protection of women from psychological violence, and stressing the duty of the judiciary to do its due diligence to ensure effective protection for victims.
    The case
    What happened was that the plaintiff filed a request for protection from the marital violence she and her infant daughter (eight months old) were being subjected to with the interim relief judge. The representative of the public prosecutor in Beirut, Bilal Dannawi, had issued, based on police investigations, a warrant for the husband’s arrest, for physically assaulting his wife, attempted murder, and threat of murder. The wife was told that she could file for a protection request.
    Later on, as he interviewed the plaintiff and her brother-in-law, the interim relief judge learned that her husband was abusing her psychologically, and prevented her from leaving the house except for a few hours each month. The judge also cited in his ruling the husband’s seizure of her identification documents and mobile phone, as she had reported in her request for protection.
    Landmark interpretation of violence categories
    Before the judge could specify which protection measures had to be taken, he had to determine that “violence” had occurred to justify any such measures. This is where the judge showed exceptional ability to develop the legal text and interpret it in the manner we have detailed earlier.
    It would be absurd for the definition of domestic violence to be confined to physical violence, but not include... other violations.
    After clarifying that the husband’s assault against his wife using his bare hands and belt constituted domestic violence as the law stipulates explicitly, the judge added, “Violence does not only include physical abuse. From the information available in the current situation, it is clear that the plaintiff was also subjected to other types of violence no less serious than physical violence, when her husband abused her verbally […], and by preventing her from leaving the marital household except for a few hours each month without any justification. This constitutes a violation of her most basic rights, and no doubt, this is part of the interpretation of domestic violence detailed in law 293/2014, because what is meant by violence therein also includes that which causes psychological harm; therefore, we can only acknowledge the seriousness of psychological harm resulting from the suppression of the wife’s freedom of movement without any justification, and from verbally abusing her.”
    By analyzing this reasoning, it becomes clear that the judge wanted to expand the scope of the definition of domestic violence, beyond the acts expressly mentioned in the legal text, to include all equivalent acts based on a process of deductive analogy. Indeed, it would be absurd for the definition of domestic violence to be confined to physical violence, but not include continuous or repeated detention at the household, and other violations.
    Protection measures
    The judge’s groundbreaking role did not stop at the redefinition of domestic violence, but also covered the protection measures he ordered. The judge sought to add measures that he deemed to be necessary in addition to those stipulated in Article 14 of the law, arguing that his protective role allowed him to impose measures as per his jurisdictions detailed in Article 579 of the Code of Civil Procedure.
    The judge did not stop there either; he subjected any violation of these measures that he had derived to the criminal penalties stipulated by the domestic violence law, which could reach up to one year in prison. This indicates that he dealt with the list of protective measures provided for in the law as a merely indicative list that he could develop as he saw fit.
    Among the most prominent measures he ordered were assigning a social worker to conduct periodical visits to the plaintiff’s house for a period of six months after the ruling, which can be extended if needed or based on the plaintiff’s request, to monitor the proper implementation of the ruling, providing that the husband refrains from abusing her further. The judge reasoned that the plaintiff might not be able to file a complaint each time the ruling is violated.
    Other measures he devised include a ruling against psychological abuse as part of his expanded definition of violence, and also to “compel the husband to return the identification documents belonging to the plaintiff, to refrain from seizing her mobile phone, and to allow her to leave the marital household.”
    These measures complement others that are contained explicitly in the legal text, namely, preventing physical abuse, preventing obstructing the victim’s continued occupancy of the household, compelling the husband to leave the premises for one week and to pay expenses in advance, and preventing the husband from damaging property belonging to the victim, fixtures at the household, or disburse jointly owned assets. In the same context, the husband was compelled to attend a course at a center run by KAFA at his own expense, to help prevent recurrence of violence.
    The judge’s groundbreaking role did not stop at the redefinition of domestic violence, but also covered the protection measures he ordered.
    Full jurisdictions for child protection
    In addition, the judge declared that he had full jurisdictions when it came to child protection. Though the request for protection filed by the wife covered her and her infant daughter only, the judge was of the view that he was also authorized to expand protection for another underage member of the family, even if not included in the protection request, based on Article 12 of the law which states that all those residing with a woman covered by the protection measures benefit from the law if they are at risk. Based on this, the judge expanded the scope of the protection measures to include a minor, who is the plaintiff’s 12-year-old stepchild, after determining that he was also exposed to violence since his father was abusing his wife in front of him. The judge declared, “This in itself constitutes domestic violence because it psychologically harms members of the family in question.”
    Names of the victims kept secret to protect them
    In addition to all of the above, the judge showed extreme sensitivity toward the need to protect the family. The judge’s actions here also complement the provisions of the domestic violence law. As the law requires court proceedings related to domestic violence to be secret, the judge used this to bar the publication of the names of the plaintiff and her husband.
    Remarkably, here as well, the judge, anticipating any abuse of this principle, limited his ruling to cases where there is no obvious public interest in publishing the names of those involved – as opposed to a case of domestic violence involving a public figure. More importantly, the judge included prohibition of any breach of this confidentiality in the protection measures, violations of which being punishable by the same penalties referred to earlier.
    Conclusions
    The judiciary can indeed play a key role, not only in enforcing the law, but also in expanding and honing its provisions.
    First, this first ruling enforcing the law acts as a notice to the public that the judiciary can indeed play a key role, not only in enforcing the law, but also in expanding and honing its provisions, as has happened with the definition of violence, in a way that allows bypassing many of the major flaws and reservations concerning the law. While legislators may remain hostage to their conservative sectarian calculations, leading them to draft illogical and incomplete legislation, it is up to the judiciary to interpret the law to restore harmony between legislation and a rights-based logic of the law.
    Second, the justice system seems once again to be responding well to the public discourse and the development of public awareness. This highlights the success of women’s groups, led by KAFA, in putting the issue of violence against women on the public agenda. This success should motivate judges to develop their interpretations amid broader public acceptance, something that could offset the shortcomings of existing legislation when favorable circumstances exist.
    Naturally, circumstances may become unfavorable, in case these legal interpretations cause a backlash from conservatives, for example, or invite interference that undermines the independence of the judiciary, similar to what happened with the juvenile court judges when they expanded the scope of the law’s “child at risk” category. Hence, it seems clear that defending legal jurisprudence as such requires reinforcing the community’s willingness to defend the independence of the courts against any intervention.
    Third, the ruling paves the way for the development of the judiciary’s protective role, not only for women, but also for all segments that are at risk from physical or psychological abuse, including domestic workers. This much is clear in the judge’s focus on the wife being prohibited from leaving the house and the seizure of her identification documents, something that thousands of domestic helpers are subjected to throughout Lebanon.
    Indeed, if it is illogical to exclude such actions from the domestic violence law, given its serious consequences, then it is equally illogical for judges to sit idly by vis-à-vis the same actions, which are systematically committed against domestic workers. Consequently, it is hoped that this decision constitutes the beginning of a litigation strategy to improve the working conditions of these segments.
    Fourth, the interpretation deployed by the interim relief judge would not have happened, if the matter had been left for the public prosecutor, as KAFA has been demanding. Apart from the fact that the office of the public prosecutor, because of its hierarchical nature, does not have the required level of independence to act, it is also not able to interpret laws as we have seen because of the nature of its work and its jurisdictions.
    Sometimes, it is also feared that women may come under tremendous pressure to waive their rights, pending a protection ruling, when the interim relief judge can issue a verdict on the same day, even during holidays. Meanwhile, the strong ties between (non-independent) public prosecution offices and influential people can turn the former into sources of pressure on women to waive their rights and accept out-of-court settlements. But this is of course another matter.
    * Published in conjunction and cooperation with the Legal Agenda www.legal-agenda.com
    This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
    A corrective interpretation of an inadequate law: The first implementation of the domestic violence law | Al Akhbar English
     
    Robin Hood

    Robin Hood

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    Mar. 23, 2015 | 12:27 AM
    Women demand right to pass on citizenship to their children

    A child and a woman carry banners during a protest against Lebanon’s nationality law in Downtown Beirut.
    Mazin Sidahmed| The Daily Star
    BEIRUT: Over a hundred activists and their children gathered in Downtown Beirut Sunday to protest Lebanon’s nationality law that prevents them from passing citizenship to their family members. “We’re gathering as Lebanese citizens, female and male, because we’re keen on continuing the fight in order to achieve equality in the nationality law,” Lina Abou Habib said.
    A member of “My Nationality Is a Right for Me” and “My Family,” which staged the sit-in at Riad al-Solh Square near the Grand Serail, Abou Habib delivered a speech for the press.
    According to Lebanese law, women married to non-Lebanese cannot pass their citizenship onto their husbands or their children, which deprives them of entitlements to health and employment reserved for citizens.
    Sunday’s demonstration was intended to align with Mother’s Day weekend and participants hailed from across Lebanon and were brought in on a fleet of buses parked along the Charles Helou highway.
    Women and children carried signs reading, “Eliminate the Discrimination Against Women,” and “Lebanese women are not second-class citizens.”
    “If my child is sick, I can’t take him to the hospital. [Our children] are the last children to get registered in the schools,” a woman who declined to be named told The Daily Star.
    In January 2013, campaigners proposed a draft law that would allow women to pass on their nationality, but it was subsequently rejected by Parliament.
    Some political parties oppose granting women the right to pass on their citizenship as they are afraid that it would disrupt the country’s delicate sectarian makeup, particularly when it comes to passing nationality to Palestinians, who are mainly Muslims.
    These groups also argue that the move could lead to indirectly settling Palestinian refugees, approximately 400,000 in total.
    Without Lebanese citizenship, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are unable to work in a variety of occupations and cannot own property.
    Fifteen-year-old Ali Abdel-Hamid, a resident of the Chouf district of Wadi Zeina, has a Palestinian father and Lebanese mother. He attended the protest with his mother.
    “I was born in Lebanon. Now I’m 15 years old and I live here. Nobody gives me my rights to do anything. I want to go and work and they won’t let me,” he said. “I’m trying to study as much as I can so that I can hopefully get good grades and then hopefully help my parents.”
    “We’re here to say that we’re Palestinian and we want citizenship.”
    Women demand right to pass on citizenship to their children | News , Lebanon News | THE DAILY STAR
     
    Robin Hood

    Robin Hood

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    Mar. 23, 2015 | 12:27 AM (Last updated: March 23, 2015 | 07:31 PM)
    Lebanese support giving nationality to children of Palestinian fathers

    Protesters carry banners during a demonstration against Lebanon's nationality law in Beirut, Sunday, March 22, 2015. (The Daily Star/Hasan Shaaban)
    Sarah Weatherbee| The Daily Star
    BEIRUT: Despite civil society efforts, Lebanese women still do not enjoy equal standing with men in their ability to pass nationality to children and husbands. Political opposition has been particularly vocal on Lebanese women’s right to pass nationality to Palestinian husbands and children, but the findings of recent research indicate the Lebanese public may hold a different opinion from the politicians they elect.
    A study assessing attitudes toward citizenship rights for children of Lebanese mothers and Palestinian fathers, conducted by researchers in the American University of Beirut’s Faculty of Health Sciences, showed that Lebanese opinions are generally positive toward granting Lebanese women the right to pass citizenship to Palestinian husbands and children, though responses differed by gender and religious affiliation.
    Zeinab Cherri, research assistant in the Faculty of Health Sciences, presented the study results at the American University of Beirut during a March 20 conference on the health of Palestinians inside and outside the occupied territories.
    “When it comes to conferring citizenship to the children most of the Lebanese regardless of gender, age, marital status or education, support this right. Whereas there is a decrease in support when it comes to conferring citizenship to Palestinian husbands,” Cherri said while presenting the results.
    Study data was gathered between 2010 and 2011, and was part of a larger assessment tracking Lebanese attitudes toward social and economic rights for Palestinians in Lebanon.
    The quantitative and qualitative methodology included a survey distributed to 450 individuals and 13 focus groups to capture attitudes of Lebanese from a wide variety of economic backgrounds, professions and ages.
    Across a range of sociodemographic characteristics, results showed that support for the right to pass citizenship to children was in the 75-85 percent range, while support for passing citizenship to Palestinian husband was less strong, at 50-70 percent.
    Further, Muslims expressed higher levels of support for the right to pass nationality to children at 84.7 percent versus Christians, at 67 percent.
    Attitudes also differed by gender, as women, regardless of religious identification were more likely than men to support passing of citizenship to children.
    Drawing from information published in a 2009 UNDP study entitled “Predicament of Lebanese Women Married to Non-Lebanese,” Cherri spoke on the implications of denying citizenship rights.
    Speaking of data on Lebanese women married to non-Lebanese men, she said that, “in 22 percent of these cases [Lebanese women married to non-Lebanese], children who were born in Lebanon, who have been raised in Lebanon and have a Lebanese parent are denied basic rights of health, education, work and social security” due to the citizenship law that defies the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
    As Lebanese women are unable to pass citizenship, their children become stateless if born to Palestinian fathers.
    The 2009 UNDP study demonstrated that around 77,400 individuals living in Lebanon are affected by restrictions stemming from citizenship laws. The study found that of Lebanese women married to non-Lebanese men, 21 percent were married to Palestinians and 22 percent were married to Syrian men.
    Consistent with the laws of most Arab countries, Lebanon’s nationality laws, a legacy of French rule, stipulate that citizenship can only be passed by blood through the father. Citizenship rights advocates say these laws run contradictory to Article 7 of the Lebanese Constitution, which states that all Lebanese citizens are equal before the law.
    Further, the Universal Declaration for Human Rights, which Lebanon has ratified, states that all have the right to a nationality. The patrilineal citizenship laws influence Lebanese decision-making on choosing a marriage partner, and also gender expectations within the Lebanese family.
    Lebanese law allows for Lebanese mothers to pass citizenship to children born out of wedlock, according to a 2012 report from AUB’s Issam Fares Institute, that found, “In some cases, Lebanese mothers claimed that their legitimate children are illegitimate in order to entitle them to her nationality.”
    The IFI report noted some progress in 2009 and 2010, on judiciary decisions and draft law submissions, favoring citizenship rights for children of Lebanese mothers and non-Lebanese fathers.
    However, they don’t address the issue of nationality transfer to Palestinian husbands. Moreover, several lawmakers have expressed concern that the passage of nationality from Lebanese women to Palestinian husbands and children, mainly Muslims, would threaten the country’s demographic composition and sectarian balance.
    Cherri stressed the need to revive activism efforts for equal rights, pushing for a woman’s right to pass citizenship to both her children and her husband. “Most of the time they use Palestinians as an excuse [to oppose equal citizenship],” Cherri said. Reflecting on study results she presented, she continued: “Those politicians need to know that the people electing them actually don’t mind giving citizenship rights for women; on the contrary, they actually want women to have this right.”
    Dr. Sawsan Abdulrahim worked with Cherri on the study, serving as the principal investigator.
    An associate professor of health promotion and community health at AUB, Abdulrahim described the consequences faced by children who grow up stateless, which include barriers to employment and social services. She emphasized that children born to Lebanese mothers and Palestinian fathers are doubly disadvantaged: Not only is the father not Lebanese, he is also a refugee, who carries no nationality.
    “Their mothers are Lebanese. They have lived all their life here studied here and want to stay in Lebanon, but they cannot because they don’t have the citizenship,” Abdulrahim said.
    She contrasted this denial of citizenship with recent efforts to increase Lebanese nationality among the Lebanese diaspora. Abdulrahim explained that those born and raised in other countries who have weak ties to Lebanon are granted nationality based on paternal kinship, even several generations back.
    Meanwhile, a Lebanese mother’s blood and the birth of her child on Lebanese territory aren’t enough for citizenship in the eyes of the law.
    Drawing attention to the inequalities present in Lebanese citizenship law, Abdulrahim asked: “If Lebanon says we are not a country for refugees [but instead] a country that grants citizenship based on birth, by blood, why is it only by paternal blood? What about women?”
    Lebanese support giving nationality to children of Palestinian fathers | News , Lebanon News | THE DAILY STAR
     
    Robin Hood

    Robin Hood

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    Apr. 02, 2015 | 12:18 AM
    Lebanese abroad urged to apply for citizenship
    The Daily Star
    BEIRUT: The Foreign Ministry called on expatriates from Lebanon Wednesday to apply for Lebanese citizenship, citing a new initiative to speed the process. The ministry “will exert all necessary efforts, through administrative formalities, decrees and applicable laws, in order to register their [expatriates] paperwork,” read a statement released by the ministry. Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil has been pressing the issue over the past few months, and recently discussed it with Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea.
    Lebanese abroad urged to apply for citizenship | News , Lebanon News | THE DAILY STAR
     
    Jo

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    من المواقف الأكثر ذكورية وإهانة للنساء أطلقها النائب#إيلي_مارونيضمن مناسبة كان من المفترض فيها أن يمثّل موقف حزب الكتائب، إلا أنه أطلق العنان لآرائه الشخصية فحمّل "بعض" النساء مسؤولية اغتصابهنّ، في ندوة تدعو في الأصل إلى إلغاء المادّة 522 التي تعفي المغتصب من عقوبته في حال تزوّج ضحيّته وإلى تعديل المادة 503 المتعلّقة بالاغتصاب.
    لم يكتفِ ماروني بهذا القدر من الإهانة، بل احتجّ على حقّ النساء في إعطاء جنسيتهنّ لأسرهنّ لاعتبارات عنصرية وذكورية بالية.
    ثمّ عاد، كغيره من النواب الذي سبقوه، ليكرّر مقولة إنه من أشدّ المدافعين عن حقوق المرأة... علامَ استند بالتحديد ليطلق تصريحاً كهذا، بكل هذه الثقة؟ على رؤيته المتقدّمة لحماية النساء من العنف، أو لتحقيق العدالة والمساواة؟
    إن خطاباً كهذا يؤكّد لنا مدى صعوبة إحراز أي تقدّم على الصعيد التشريعي في ظلّ وجود نوّاب كهؤلاء، لا يمثّلون سوى مصالح المواطنين، والمواطنين الذكوريين بالأخصّ.
    Video: المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة ليست على مزاج ماروني...
     
    Indie

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    من المواقف الأكثر ذكورية وإهانة للنساء أطلقها النائب#إيلي_مارونيضمن مناسبة كان من المفترض فيها أن يمثّل موقف حزب الكتائب، إلا أنه أطلق العنان لآرائه الشخصية فحمّل "بعض" النساء مسؤولية اغتصابهنّ، في ندوة تدعو في الأصل إلى إلغاء المادّة 522 التي تعفي المغتصب من عقوبته في حال تزوّج ضحيّته وإلى تعديل المادة 503 المتعلّقة بالاغتصاب.
    لم يكتفِ ماروني بهذا القدر من الإهانة، بل احتجّ على حقّ النساء في إعطاء جنسيتهنّ لأسرهنّ لاعتبارات عنصرية وذكورية بالية.
    ثمّ عاد، كغيره من النواب الذي سبقوه، ليكرّر مقولة إنه من أشدّ المدافعين عن حقوق المرأة... علامَ استند بالتحديد ليطلق تصريحاً كهذا، بكل هذه الثقة؟ على رؤيته المتقدّمة لحماية النساء من العنف، أو لتحقيق العدالة والمساواة؟
    إن خطاباً كهذا يؤكّد لنا مدى صعوبة إحراز أي تقدّم على الصعيد التشريعي في ظلّ وجود نوّاب كهؤلاء، لا يمثّلون سوى مصالح المواطنين، والمواطنين الذكوريين بالأخصّ.
    Video: المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة ليست على مزاج ماروني...
    You gotta love the "women marrying Palestinians or Syrians" excuse. Because Lebanese men don't marry Palestinians or Syrians? They can even marry four of them!
     
    SeaAb

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    Tsk Tsk Tsk...Christians are supposed to be role models for progressiveness and gender equality. Keef byetla3 ma3o hek ElieMarouni? Shu tarakna lal backward Muslims lakan? :yawn:
     
    Impera

    Impera

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    Tsk Tsk Tsk...Christians are supposed to be role models for progressiveness and gender equality. Keef byetla3 ma3o hek ElieMarouni? Shu tarakna lal backward Muslims lakan? :yawn:
    They are, just not Elie Marouni :)
     
    HannaTheCrusader

    HannaTheCrusader

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    Tsk Tsk Tsk...Christians are supposed to be role models for progressiveness and gender equality. Keef byetla3 ma3o hek ElieMarouni? Shu tarakna lal backward Muslims lakan? :yawn:

    some of us are still backwards , but at least we dont force women into slavery like you guys do
    anyway, people as marouni are in the minority and as a society no one will give him any attention, actually he will be criticized and silenced

    unlike in your society where such people reign supreme
     
    SNL

    SNL

    New Member
    ايلي ماروني دام ظله الشريف
    تكبيييييييييييييييييييرررررررررررررر
     
    SNL

    SNL

    New Member
    You gotta love the "women marrying Palestinians or Syrians" excuse. Because Lebanese men don't marry Palestinians or Syrians? They can even marry four of them!
    لأنه الرجال قوّامون على النساء
     
    Mighty Goat

    Mighty Goat

    Legendary Member
    Orange Room Supporter
    لأنه الرجال قوّامون على النساء
    بما أنفقوا من أموالهم. وبماأن الرجال مفلسيين و النساء عم تنفق بطلو قوامون و يا خسارة ما بعدها خسارة. معك مصاري بتقوم غير هيك حفظ الآية غير كافي.
     
    Last edited:
    SNL

    SNL

    New Member
    بما أنفقوا من أموالهم. وبماأن الرجال مفلسيين و النساء عم تنفق بطلو قوامون و يا خسارة ما بعدها خسارة. معك قصاري بتقوم غير هيك حفظ الآية غير كافي.

    الذي وضع هذه القوانين المريضة هم الصليبييون الملاعين والدمى المتحركة التي وضعوها في بلادنا ولا ينفك هذا المجلس السفيه المسمى "حقوق المرأة" الشيطاني والذي يعمد من خلال الدعم الصهيوني الى المطالبة بقوانين تجرّد الرجل من رجولته وتحوله الى مجرد حيوان جنسي لا اكثر ولا اقل ...هذه القوانين سارية في بلاد الغرب الذي يتمتع مجتمعه بأموال الأمة الأسلامية التي يسيطر عليها آل سلول (يهود الجزيرة) لا بعرق جبينه وبالتالي تقوم الدول الغربية بدعم نسائهم المطلقات بهذه الأموال المسلوبة ولولا هذه الأموال لما استطاع الغرب تسويق خططه الهدامة للمجتمع تكاد لا تعرف نسب فلان من علاّن
    وبعد افساد مجتمعاتهم يأتي ألينا هؤلاء الغربيون لأفساد مجتمعاتنا وسلب عفّة نسائنا من خلال أكذوبة المساواة .... والمرأة يتم تحويلها بالقوة الى جنس ثالث وأجبارها على أنتعال احذية غير مريحة وحصرها لساعات طويلة بثياب غير مريحة وأجبارها بالعمل لساعات طويلة حيث يفرض التعب نفسه عليها وعندها تحتاج مرغمة رغما عن أنوف هذه القوانين الغربية ان تطلب المساعدة من الرجل
    واليكم مثال حدث اليوم مع زميلة لي في العمل تم برمجة عقلها من قبل هذه الجمعيات الشيطانية
    حيث تطلقت من زوجها وفكست خطبتها من آخر أيضا وعندما أرادت نقل نفوسها من منطقة ألى أخرى
    وقعت في معاملات أحتاجت شهور (روتين دولة) حتى وصل بها الأمر أن طلبت المساعدة من طليقها الأول التي تنطحت حتى طلقته ههههههههههههههه مضحك


     
    loubnaniTO

    loubnaniTO

    Legendary Member
    Staff member
    Super Penguin
    من المواقف الأكثر ذكورية وإهانة للنساء أطلقها النائب#إيلي_مارونيضمن مناسبة كان من المفترض فيها أن يمثّل موقف حزب الكتائب، إلا أنه أطلق العنان لآرائه الشخصية فحمّل "بعض" النساء مسؤولية اغتصابهنّ، في ندوة تدعو في الأصل إلى إلغاء المادّة 522 التي تعفي المغتصب من عقوبته في حال تزوّج ضحيّته وإلى تعديل المادة 503 المتعلّقة بالاغتصاب.
    لم يكتفِ ماروني بهذا القدر من الإهانة، بل احتجّ على حقّ النساء في إعطاء جنسيتهنّ لأسرهنّ لاعتبارات عنصرية وذكورية بالية.
    ثمّ عاد، كغيره من النواب الذي سبقوه، ليكرّر مقولة إنه من أشدّ المدافعين عن حقوق المرأة... علامَ استند بالتحديد ليطلق تصريحاً كهذا، بكل هذه الثقة؟ على رؤيته المتقدّمة لحماية النساء من العنف، أو لتحقيق العدالة والمساواة؟
    إن خطاباً كهذا يؤكّد لنا مدى صعوبة إحراز أي تقدّم على الصعيد التشريعي في ظلّ وجود نوّاب كهؤلاء، لا يمثّلون سوى مصالح المواطنين، والمواطنين الذكوريين بالأخصّ.
    Video: المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة ليست على مزاج ماروني...

    Yea!! I mean you have these poor innocent rapists walking around, minding their own business... then women come along and invite these poor innocent rapists to rape them. Why should the rapists always be the victims! If women were not women, these poor rapists wouldn't have raped them.
    I hope women are not reading this... cause their place is in the kitchen, not in front of a computer.
     
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