Yemen on the Brink

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  • J. Abizeid

    J. Abizeid

    Well-Known Member
    http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/21/w...tial-residence-in-yemen-is-attacked.html?_r=0

    Coup Fears Rise in Yemen as Rebels Storm Palace

    SANA, Yemen — Houthi rebel militiamen seized control of the palace of
    Yemen’s president and clashed with guards outside his residence on Tuesday in an escalation of the violent crisis that has gripped the capital for days, raising fears of a coup in one of the Arab world’s most impoverished and insecure states.
    The president, Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi, viewed by the United States as a crucial counterterrorism ally, was believed to be in the capital, but his exact whereabouts was unknown. He made no public statements as the fighting escalated, though Houthi leaders insisted that he was safe and in his home.
    Later on Tuesday, the most senior Houthi leader, Abdel Malik al-Houthi, gave a televised speech indicating that the advances by his fighters were a warning to Mr. Hadi to accelerate political changes they have demanded, and not an attempt to depose him. But if the president does not respond, Mr. Houthi said, “all necessary measures will be open.”
    The mayhem that has convulsed Yemen, which left at least eight people dead on Monday in Sana, has also left citizens facing a leadership vacuum as the country is seized by crises, including spreading armed conflict and widespread hunger. The turmoil has been increasingly worrisome to American officials because Yemen is the base of
    Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, which has asserted responsibility for a number of attacks, most notably the deadly assault on the Charlie Hebdo newspaper in Paris this month.

    While the Houthis oppose Al Qaeda, they have vowed to curb American influence on Yemen’s government, which has cooperated for years with United States drone strikes against Qaeda leaders and their subordinates.
    The deterioration in Yemen preoccupied diplomats at the United Nations Security Council, which released a statement emphasizing that President Hadi was still the recognized authority. The statement “condemned the recourse to violence” and urged dialogue.
    The Houthi advance on Tuesday, and its leader’s ultimatum, cemented the group’s status as Yemen’s most powerful opposition movement. And Mr. Hadi, the steward of an internationally backed political transition plan, appeared more sidelined than ever. The
    Houthis’ rise began in September, when Houthi fighters swept into Sana, seizing control of crucial government installations and vowing to force Mr. Hadi’s government to carry out political and economic reforms. The Houthi movement — which began as an activist group seeking greater rights for Yemen’s Zaydi Shiite minority and fought six wars against the central government — has consolidated its control in the capital and beyond.
    But Houthi fighters have caused resentment as they have attacked rivals, including mainstream political parties, misgivings among segments of the public suspicious of their heavy-handed tactics, and a violent reaction from the Sunni extremists in Al Qaeda whom the Houthis have confronted.
    In his speech, Mr. Houthi struck themes that have won his movement supporters, framing his fighters’ attacks in Sana as a reaction to what he called Mr. Hadi’s stubbornness and Yemen’s corrupt political class, which had “abdicated” responsibility.
    Speaking against a backdrop that read “the revolution continues,” he praised Yemen’s military and appeared to reach out to regional powers, including Saudi Arabia. The Saudi monarchy views the Houthis as a proxy for its rival, Iran, and has begun withholding financial aid to Yemen’s government.
    The demands by Mr. Houthi, who accused Mr. Hadi of protecting corruption, also reflected his movement’s narrow preoccupations, notably concerns about a draft constitution: The Houthis have objected to a plan that would divide Yemen into six provinces, perhaps fearing it would diminish their newly acquired power.
    “We are determined, and we will never hesitate to impose any action necessary,” Mr. Houthi said.
    April Longley Alley, a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group who is currently in Sana, said some Houthi demands were “quite legitimate.”
    “It’s the means they use to implement them that are counterproductive,” she said. Their use of force to get what they want, she said, has created “a scenario where you do have the prospect of real collapse.”
    On Saturday, Houthi fighters kidnapped a top aide to Mr. Hadi in broad daylight. On Monday, they battled government troops in Sana, with artillery and mortar fire falling in residential areas.
    American officials in Yemen said that a United States diplomatic vehicle in Sana had come under fire Monday evening at a Houthi checkpoint near the embassy, but that nobody in the vehicle was hurt.
    A fragile cease-fire that took effect Monday night was broken on Tuesday, as the Houthis demanded that guards at the presidential palace leave and blocked roads to Mr. Hadi’s residence.
    Yemen’s information minister, Nadia Sakkaf, said on her Twitter feed that the Houthis had shelled Mr. Hadi’s residence, but residents described the fighting as skirmishes between Houthi fighters and Mr. Hadi’s guards.
    In Washington, an American intelligence official characterized the developments in Yemen as “very significant” and “serious,” though he said he saw no indications that United States Embassy personnel were in any immediate danger or that any evacuation was imminent.
    In Sana, where residents have become accustomed to periodic intrusions of violence since the 2011 uprising against Mr. Hadi’s predecessor, shops opened again on Tuesday despite the turmoil.
    Marwan al-Wisabi, a 23-year-old receptionist who watched Mr. Houthi’s speech, said Mr. Hadi deserved his public rebuke.
    “He’s been power for three years and done nothing,” he said.






     
    Republican

    Republican

    Legendary Member

    Current situation in Yemen,

    Yellow: Houthis
    Red: central Government
    Black: Al-Qaeda
    White: Deserted
     
    Republican

    Republican

    Legendary Member
    Abdel-Malek al-Houthi: from shadow rebel leader to kingmaker

    #InsideYemen


    The fate of Yemen’s Arab revolt lies in the hands of a man about whom little is known and who has transformed himself from a rebel leader into a kingmaker. How did he do it?




    - See more at: Abdel-Malek al-Houthi: from shadow rebel leader to kingmaker | Middle East Eye

    When news broke that Abdel-Malek al-Houthi had been killed in an airstrike in 2009 Yemeni officials breathed a quiet sigh of relief. Al-Houthi, leader of the Houthis, a powerful Shia rebel group based in Yemen’s north, had been waging an on-off civil war with the government for six years. Hundreds of thousands of civilians had been displaced by the conflict that was threatening to spill into Saudi Arabia. With their leader out of the picture the Houthis would be severely weakened; the Yemeni government might finally regain control of its territory.

    Days later a video of al-Houthi appeared on Al-Jazeera. Filmed in a dimly-lit room, the clip shows a young man with broad, sloping shoulders and a faint moustache, seated in a chair, a microphone in his hand. One of al-Houthi’s arms, braced awkwardly at his side, looks broken. He seems poised, self-assured.

    “Lies,” Al-Houthi says when someone off-camera asks him about the allegations of his assassination. “The regime makes these statements to justify its massacres and the targeting of civilians, among them women and children.” Al-Houthi goes on to condemn the alliance between America and Yemen’s government who he accuses of being more loyal to foreign powers than to his people. Al-Houthi concludes his message with a warning: if the regime tries to take on the Houthis again it will fail.

    The young rebel leader underestimated himself.

    Today al-Houthi may be the most powerful man in Yemen. At the tender age of 32 he stands at the head of an insurrection that has shaken the government to its core. After a month of protests against rising fuel prices his fighters last week overran the capital; seizing government buildings, the central bank, defense ministry headquarters, state television office and a mansion belonging to a powerful Islamist warlord.

    Yemen’s president has agreed to appoint a new prime minister and introduce fuel subsidies but the rebels have so far not backed down. What al-Houthi decides to do next – back off and agree to a ceasefire or seize power himself – could determine the fate of the transition and the balance of power in the region. Today, Yemen’s Arab revolt rests in the hands of a man about whom little is known and who, in the space of a few years, has transformed himself from a shadow rebel leader into a kingmaker. How did he do it?

    Abdel-Malek al-Houthi was born in 1982 in the northern province of Saadah close to the border with Saudi Arabia. The youngest of eight brothers al-Houthi grew up under the close tutelage of his father, Badreddin al-Houthi, a prominent religious scholar of Yemen’s minority Zaydi Shia sect (Zaydis, a majority in Saadah, make up around 30% of the population).

    Al-Houthi’s older brother Hussein, a member of parliament who founded the Houthis in 2004 - a movement aimed at strengthening Zaidi rights and providing educational and social services - was a vocal critic of Saleh and his perceived pro-American stance after 9/11.

    In 2004 the government accused Hussein of setting up unlicensed religious centers and trying to install a Shiite theocracy in the north of the country, offering up a bounty of $55,000 for his capture and launching an operation aimed at stamping out his alleged rebellion in the north.

    When Hussein was killed by security forces trying to arrest him later that year Abdel-Malek was called on to lead the military effort against the government. The 23-year-old proved himself a strong field commander and a shrewd tactician. Using his knowledge of Saadah’s terrain - rugged mountains and frequent sand storms - al-Houthi repeatedly held off advances by regime forces.

    When his father passed away in 2005, al-Houthi became leader of the movement. But it wasn’t until the 2011 Arab Spring uprising, analysts say, that he began to embrace his role as leader.

    “If you look at Abdel-Malek’s speeches before 2011 they were essentially rants - anti-American, anti-Saudi Arabia - calling for the religious rights of Zaydis, he was preaching to the converted,” said Fernando Carvajal, a former Yemen-based NGO consultant who studied the Houthis.

    “After the uprising he began addressing the nation, talking about shared injustices, the price of fuel, drone strikes. He’s gained a lot of confidence. Nowadays he speaks clearly and with purpose, he doesn’t beat around the bush.”

    In a 2011 speech entitled “The Creative Revolution” al-Houthi accused Barack Obama of having attempted to create a new Middle East through “the weapon of sectarianism, only to be foiled by the Arab Spring.” In another speech he accuses Saudi Arabia of fomenting divisive sectarianism and tribalism in the region.

    Al-Houthi rarely gives interviews to local or international press. When contacted by Middle East Eye Ali al-Emad, a spokesman for the Houthis, declined to arrange an interview, citing fears about al-Houthi’s safety.

    “Anyone who is powerful in Yemen, who opposes the presidency, is at threat. But our sheikh is in a safe place," al-Emad said. "The regime cannot touch him.”
    -


    Al-Houthi lives on the move, between a series of heavily-fortified safe-houses, according to Nawal Al-Maghafi, a Yemeni journalist who visited Saada in 2011.

    Al-Maghafi had arranged to interview al-Houthi for a documentary she was making for the Iranian channel Press TV but was told minutes before he was due to arrive that the meeting was cancelled.

    “His guards said it was too dangerous for him to meet me. Several members of his family have been targeted. Apparantly he doesn’t trust anyone,” al-Maghafi said.

    Frequently compared to Hasan Nasrallah, spiritual leader of the Lebanese paramilitary organisation Hezbollah, Al-Houthi has gained a large following of young, devout men who, analysts say, look up to him as a figure of religious and political authority.

    “After decades of old men ruling, al-Houthi represents a new face in the Yemeni political scene,” said Abdul-Ghani al-Iryani, a Yemeni analyst. “His politics are conservative and his campaigns are often violent but he’s a fresh face. A young man matched with power and assertiveness.”

    Hossein al-Bokhaiti, a 28 year-old student from Sana’a who has taken part in recent protests organized by the Houthis echoed the sentiment.

    “If you look at Yemeni leaders in the ruling party and the opposition they are all old guys, your grandfather’s age. This man is new, he’s young,” said al-Bokhaiti, speaking to Middle East Eye via Skype.

    “Everyone in Yemen knows that the revolution failed but he is the only one brave enough to stand up and say it. It's the non-urban youth in Yemen who look up to him.”

    On Wednesday al-Houthi addressed the nation. In a rousing speech that was broadcast on several channels in Yemen, he spoke of a second revolution and promised to address the grievances of Yemen’s many disparate groups.

    “Fuel subsidies will be restored and economic reforms will be implemented. Yemenis will not allow despots to rule the country again,” al-Houthi said, wagging his finger at the camera, a Palestinian scarf draped across his shoulders.

    “We would rather he remains our leader, a spiritual leader,” said al-Bokahiti when asked whether he would like to see al-Houthi rule Yemen. “When you run as president you can only stay in power for two terms. Better to stay above politics.”
    Abdel-Malek al-Houthi: from shadow rebel leader to kingmaker | Middle East Eye
     
    Last edited by a moderator:
    elAshtar

    elAshtar

    Well-Known Member
    Abdel-Malek al-Houthi: from shadow rebel leader to kingmaker

    #InsideYemen


    The fate of Yemen’s Arab revolt lies in the hands of a man about whom little is known and who has transformed himself from a rebel leader into a kingmaker. How did he do it?




    - See more at: Abdel-Malek al-Houthi: from shadow rebel leader to kingmaker | Middle East Eye

    When news broke that Abdel-Malek al-Houthi had been killed in an airstrike in 2009 Yemeni officials breathed a quiet sigh of relief. Al-Houthi, leader of the Houthis, a powerful Shia rebel group based in Yemen’s north, had been waging an on-off civil war with the government for six years. Hundreds of thousands of civilians had been displaced by the conflict that was threatening to spill into Saudi Arabia. With their leader out of the picture the Houthis would be severely weakened; the Yemeni government might finally regain control of its territory.

    Days later a video of al-Houthi appeared on Al-Jazeera. Filmed in a dimly-lit room, the clip shows a young man with broad, sloping shoulders and a faint moustache, seated in a chair, a microphone in his hand. One of al-Houthi’s arms, braced awkwardly at his side, looks broken. He seems poised, self-assured.

    “Lies,” Al-Houthi says when someone off-camera asks him about the allegations of his assassination. “The regime makes these statements to justify its massacres and the targeting of civilians, among them women and children.” Al-Houthi goes on to condemn the alliance between America and Yemen’s government who he accuses of being more loyal to foreign powers than to his people. Al-Houthi concludes his message with a warning: if the regime tries to take on the Houthis again it will fail.

    The young rebel leader underestimated himself.

    Today al-Houthi may be the most powerful man in Yemen. At the tender age of 32 he stands at the head of an insurrection that has shaken the government to its core. After a month of protests against rising fuel prices his fighters last week overran the capital; seizing government buildings, the central bank, defense ministry headquarters, state television office and a mansion belonging to a powerful Islamist warlord.

    Yemen’s president has agreed to appoint a new prime minister and introduce fuel subsidies but the rebels have so far not backed down. What al-Houthi decides to do next – back off and agree to a ceasefire or seize power himself – could determine the fate of the transition and the balance of power in the region. Today, Yemen’s Arab revolt rests in the hands of a man about whom little is known and who, in the space of a few years, has transformed himself from a shadow rebel leader into a kingmaker. How did he do it?

    Abdel-Malek al-Houthi was born in 1982 in the northern province of Saadah close to the border with Saudi Arabia. The youngest of eight brothers al-Houthi grew up under the close tutelage of his father, Badreddin al-Houthi, a prominent religious scholar of Yemen’s minority Zaydi Shia sect (Zaydis, a majority in Saadah, make up around 30% of the population).

    Al-Houthi’s older brother Hussein, a member of parliament who founded the Houthis in 2004 - a movement aimed at strengthening Zaidi rights and providing educational and social services - was a vocal critic of Saleh and his perceived pro-American stance after 9/11.

    In 2004 the government accused Hussein of setting up unlicensed religious centers and trying to install a Shiite theocracy in the north of the country, offering up a bounty of $55,000 for his capture and launching an operation aimed at stamping out his alleged rebellion in the north.

    When Hussein was killed by security forces trying to arrest him later that year Abdel-Malek was called on to lead the military effort against the government. The 23-year-old proved himself a strong field commander and a shrewd tactician. Using his knowledge of Saadah’s terrain - rugged mountains and frequent sand storms - al-Houthi repeatedly held off advances by regime forces.

    When his father passed away in 2005, al-Houthi became leader of the movement. But it wasn’t until the 2011 Arab Spring uprising, analysts say, that he began to embrace his role as leader.

    “If you look at Abdel-Malek’s speeches before 2011 they were essentially rants - anti-American, anti-Saudi Arabia - calling for the religious rights of Zaydis, he was preaching to the converted,” said Fernando Carvajal, a former Yemen-based NGO consultant who studied the Houthis.

    “After the uprising he began addressing the nation, talking about shared injustices, the price of fuel, drone strikes. He’s gained a lot of confidence. Nowadays he speaks clearly and with purpose, he doesn’t beat around the bush.”

    In a 2011 speech entitled “The Creative Revolution” al-Houthi accused Barack Obama of having attempted to create a new Middle East through “the weapon of sectarianism, only to be foiled by the Arab Spring.” In another speech he accuses Saudi Arabia of fomenting divisive sectarianism and tribalism in the region.

    Al-Houthi rarely gives interviews to local or international press. When contacted by Middle East Eye Ali al-Emad, a spokesman for the Houthis, declined to arrange an interview, citing fears about al-Houthi’s safety.

    “Anyone who is powerful in Yemen, who opposes the presidency, is at threat. But our sheikh is in a safe place," al-Emad said. "The regime cannot touch him.”
    -


    Al-Houthi lives on the move, between a series of heavily-fortified safe-houses, according to Nawal Al-Maghafi, a Yemeni journalist who visited Saada in 2011.

    Al-Maghafi had arranged to interview al-Houthi for a documentary she was making for the Iranian channel Press TV but was told minutes before he was due to arrive that the meeting was cancelled.

    “His guards said it was too dangerous for him to meet me. Several members of his family have been targeted. Apparantly he doesn’t trust anyone,” al-Maghafi said.

    Frequently compared to Hasan Nasrallah, spiritual leader of the Lebanese paramilitary organisation Hezbollah, Al-Houthi has gained a large following of young, devout men who, analysts say, look up to him as a figure of religious and political authority.

    “After decades of old men ruling, al-Houthi represents a new face in the Yemeni political scene,” said Abdul-Ghani al-Iryani, a Yemeni analyst. “His politics are conservative and his campaigns are often violent but he’s a fresh face. A young man matched with power and assertiveness.”

    Hossein al-Bokhaiti, a 28 year-old student from Sana’a who has taken part in recent protests organized by the Houthis echoed the sentiment.

    “If you look at Yemeni leaders in the ruling party and the opposition they are all old guys, your grandfather’s age. This man is new, he’s young,” said al-Bokhaiti, speaking to Middle East Eye via Skype.

    “Everyone in Yemen knows that the revolution failed but he is the only one brave enough to stand up and say it. It's the non-urban youth in Yemen who look up to him.”

    On Wednesday al-Houthi addressed the nation. In a rousing speech that was broadcast on several channels in Yemen, he spoke of a second revolution and promised to address the grievances of Yemen’s many disparate groups.

    “Fuel subsidies will be restored and economic reforms will be implemented. Yemenis will not allow despots to rule the country again,” al-Houthi said, wagging his finger at the camera, a Palestinian scarf draped across his shoulders.

    “We would rather he remains our leader, a spiritual leader,” said al-Bokahiti when asked whether he would like to see al-Houthi rule Yemen. “When you run as president you can only stay in power for two terms. Better to stay above politics.”
    Abdel-Malek al-Houthi: from shadow rebel leader to kingmaker | Middle East Eye
    Prophet Muhammad peace be upon him and his household:

    أَتَاكُمْ أَهْلُ الْيَمَنِ هُمْ أَضْعَفُ قُلُوبًا وَأَرَقُّ أَفْئِدَةً وألين قلوباً، الإيمان يمان والحكمة يمانية، والفخر والخيلاء في أصحاب الإبل، والسكينة والوقار في أهل الغنم».

    Soon they will take care of the Wahhabi trash. This is a game over for the Saudi and American trash in Yemen! :D
     
    Last edited by a moderator:
    HannaTheCrusader

    HannaTheCrusader

    Legendary Member
    Orange Room Supporter
    south yemen should split


    nothing threatens al saud , like the yemen .......

    so a fractured yemen, is better than a strong one

    this way , the sunni tribes will act as a shield for saudis in return for some patronage
     
    HannaTheCrusader

    HannaTheCrusader

    Legendary Member
    Orange Room Supporter
    or what

    مجلس التعاون الخليجي:
    - يطالب الحوثي بمغادرة القصر الرئاسي وتحرير الرئيس المحتجز
    - يدعم الرئيس اليمني ويندد بالانقلاب على الشرعية من قبل الحوثيين
     
    Stormie

    Stormie

    Legendary Member
    Orange Room Supporter


    أنباء عن تكليف مجلس رئاسي لفترة انتقالية قادمة لادارة شئون البلاد مكون من سبعه اعضاء١ - الدكتور ياسين سعيد نعمان
    ٢ - اللواء محمود احمد الصبيحي
    ٣ - الاستاذ يحيى حسين العرشي
    ٤ - الدكتور حيدر ابوبكر العطاس
    ٥ - العميد احمد علي عبدالله صالح
    ٦ - السيد عبدالملك بدرالدين الحوثي
    ٧ - الاستاذ شوقي احمد هائل سعيد انعم
     
    Republican

    Republican

    Legendary Member
    Yemen leader expected to accept demands of Houthis who defeat his guards


    (Reuters) - Yemen's President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi was expected to yield to demands on Wednesday for constitutional change and power sharing with Houthi rebels who took up positions outside his home after defeating his guards in two days of battle.
    Gulf neighbors denounced what they described as a coup inYemen, although both the Houthis and some of the president's allies denied that he had been overthrown.
    A source close to the president said Hadi had met an official of the Shi'ite Muslim rebel group and would soon issue decrees resolving all differences. The source denied Hadi was under house arrest inside the residence, surrounded since early morning by Houthi fighters.

    (...)

    Yemen leader expected to accept demands of Houthis who defeat his guards | Reuters

    ***

    LMAO those Houthis ma fi mazeh ma3on
     
    J. Abizeid

    J. Abizeid

    Well-Known Member
    Analysis: Yemen falls into Iran

    Yemen falls into Iran’s orbit as region caught asleep at the wheel

    If the Houthis are able to solidify control over the southernmost country on the Arabian Peninsula, it could create a risk for Israel and other countries’ sea traffic.



    A military vehicle belonging to the presidential guards, which was seized by Houthi fighters during clashes, is seen outside the Presidential Palace in Sanaa. (photo credit:REUTERS)

    Iranian-backed Shi’ite Houthi rebels are on the verge of a coup in Yemen as Sunni rivals within the country and regionally seem helpless to stop them.

    Sunni countries in the region are distracted by more pressing instability at home and of the threat from Islamic State and other radical groups. The West, focused on Islamic State and its coordinated action in Syria and Iraq, sees Yemen as a side show.

    “GCC [the Gulf Cooperation Council] must intervene now to save Yemen,” the UAE-based Gulf News headlined its editorial on Tuesday, in a sign of the shock of Yemen’s Sunni Gulf neighbors.

    “Al Houthis already control 14 provinces out of 21,” the paper noted, adding that “the GCC cannot watch idly while the Iran-allied Al Houthis terrorize a neighboring country and flex their muscles in a region already riddled with conflicts.”

    If the Houthis are able to solidify control over the Arabian Peninsula’s southernmost country, which abuts the Red Sea, whence ships travel to and from Eilat, Aqaba and the Suez Canal, they could endanger Israel’s and other countries’ sea traffic.

    On display across Sanaa, the group’s slogan “Death to America, Death to Israel” is modeled on revolutionary Iran’s motto, and many Yemenis draw parallels between the Houthis and another of Iran’s Shi’ite protégés – Lebanon’s Hezbollah.

    Yemeni and Iranian officials say Iran supplied military and financial support to Houthi forces both before and after their takeover of Sanaa. A senior Houthi official denied this.

    A senior Iranian official told Reuters last year the pace of money and arms getting to the Houthis had increased since their seizure of Sanaa.

    “The GCC took its eye off the ball in Yemen. It let its own backyard go up in flames,” David Andrew Weinberg, a specialist on Gulf affairs and a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told The Jerusalem Post on Wednesday.

    “By fiddling while Yemen burns, the Saudis have given Iran a huge new advantage along its southern border,” he said.
    “The Saudis are now confronted with Islamic State and Iran-backed Shi’ite insurgents on their northern border, and hegemonic Houthis as well as AQAP on their southern one,” he said.

    Some of the Houthis’ greatest advances took place while the regional and international attention was focused on the expansion of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, said Weinberg.

    He noted that during that same period, the GCC was busy trying to patch up the dispute between Qatar and the other Gulf states led by Saudi Arabia.

    “Given that the Qataris played a leading role in persuading Yemeni strongmen Ali Abdullah Saleh to give up power in 2011, the Gulf states were in less of a position to exert leverage in Yemen without Doha being prepared to take part,” continued Weinberg.
    Weinberg said it may be too late to push the Houthis back.

    A military intervention backed by Gulf states might turn the Houthis back, “but the Saudis tried that in 2009 and found themselves embarrassingly defeated,” he said. “Now the Houthis are only stronger.”

    Oren Adaki, a research analyst of the Arab world at the same Washington-based think tank who closely follows Yemen, told the Post that “Saudi influence in Yemen is at an all-time low.”

    “The Houthi takeover of Yemen means absolutely everything to Iran. They are watching events unfold there like an investor watching his investments return hefty dividends,” said Adaki.

    “Iranian officials could hardly contain themselves during the first days following the Houthi seizure of Sanaa in late September. They openly boasted that Sanaa had fallen into their sphere of influence and eagerly announced that they support the Houthis.”
    Reuters contributed to this report.
     
    J. Abizeid

    J. Abizeid

    Well-Known Member
    http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/22/world/middleeast/yemen-at-risk-of-fragmenting.html?_r=0

    At Risk of Fragmenting, Yemen Poses Dangers to U.S.




    Houthi fighters Wednesday in the streets of Sana, the Yemeni capital. They now control the city. Credit Khaled Abdullah/Reuters


    WASHINGTON — Only months ago, American officials were still referring to Yemen’s negotiated transition from autocracy to an elected president as a model for post-revolutionary Arab states.
    Now, days of factional gun battles in the Yemeni capital have left the president a puppet figure confined to his residence. The country appears to be at risk of fragmenting in ways that could provide greater opportunities both for Iran and for Al Qaeda, whose Yemeni branch claimed responsibility for the first Paris terrorist attack this month.
    The latest Yemeni crisis raises the prospect of yet another Arab country where the United States faces rising dangers but has no strong partners amid a landscape of sectarian violence. Although the Houthi rebels who now effectively control the state are at war with Al Qaeda, they are also allied with Iran and with Yemen’s meddlesome former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh.
    The Houthis’ rise to a dominant position may set off local conflicts in ways that would give more breathing room to Al Qaeda’s local branch, which has repeatedly struck at the United States. Yemen’s elected president, Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi, is a stalwart American ally but has almost no domestic support.



    A Houthi fighter in Sana on Wednesday manned a machine gun atop a military vehicle seized from presidential guards. Credit Khaled Abdullah/Reuters

    “The Yemeni state has always been weak, but now there’s a real danger of economic meltdown, and of the kind of fragmentation that could ultimately make Yemen almost ungovernable,” said April Alley, an analyst with the International Crisis Group, a nonprofit organization that works to resolve conflicts.
    The Houthi takeover — which began in September and was reinforced in recent days — has deepened sectarian and regional divisions in a desperately poor country that has long been a sanctuary for jihadists. And though the latest round of fighting appeared to end Wednesday when Mr. Hadi conceded to the Houthis’ political demands, the underlying crisis will continue to fester, analysts say.
    The deal announced Wednesday addressed a number of the Houthis’ grievances, including a lack of representation in government bodies and complaints about provisions in a draft constitution. In return, the Houthis agreed to withdraw fighters from the presidential palace and other parts of Sana and to release an aide to Mr. Hadi who was kidnapped by Houthi gunmen on Saturday. But there was little doubt that the Houthis, who have repeatedly threatened in recent months to use force to win political concessions, remain in control.

    The Houthis’ public humiliation of Mr. Hadi — a southerner — prompted southern rebels to close the country’s chief port in Aden and shut the border between the north and south earlier this week, raising the specter of actual secession. Armed tribesmen have cut off oil exports in three southern provinces. And Saudi Arabia, which sees the Houthis as a proxy of its regional rival, Iran, has shut off almost all aid to the Yemeni government, leaving it virtually penniless and unable to pay salaries.


    Yemen’s elected president, Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi, is a stalwart American ally but has almost no domestic support. Credit Natalia Kolesnikova/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

    The Saudis, who have long been Yemen’s economic lifeline, pumping in more than $4 billion since 2012, say they would rather allow the Houthis to take the blame for the approaching economic collapse than provide aid to an Iranian client, according to a Yemeni official who spoke on the condition of anonymity, citing diplomatic protocol. Other Persian Gulf countries are likely to follow the Saudi lead.

    In another ominous sign, the Houthis appear to be gearing up for a major battle with their Sunni Islamist rivals in Marib Province, to the east of the capital, where much of Yemen’s oil infrastructure is. That could prove devastating to Yemen’s government and economy, which is deeply dependent on oil.
    It could also exacerbate sectarian tensions in a country that was almost entirely free of them until recently. The Houthis belong to the Zaydi branch of Shiite Islam, and Saudi Arabia — whose leaders see all Shiites as heretics — has been providing aid to Sunni tribes in Marib, diplomats say, fueling another proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Some of the tribes refer to the Houthis as an occupying force, undermining their claim to represent a broad-based national movement.
    In Washington, military and intelligence officials expressed grave concerns on Wednesday about the violence in Sana and the impact any further deterioration could have on one of the Obama administration’s staunchest counterterrorism partners. Michael G. Vickers, the Pentagon’s top intelligence policy official, said analysts were still trying to determine the Houthis’ ultimate goal.


    Houthi militiamen on a road outside the presidential palace in Sana on Wednesday. Credit Khaled Abdullah/Reuters

    The meteoric rise of the Houthis has drawn global attention to an insurgent group that was almost unknown outside Yemen a decade ago, and whose agenda is still opaque to many people both inside and outside the country. Their leader, a charismatic guerrilla fighter in his early 30s named Abdel Malik al-Houthi, inherited his mantle from his father and his older brother Hussein, who founded the movement in the 1990s and was killed in the first of a series of wars against the Yemeni state that ended in 2010. Mr. Houthi’s speeches focus on fighting corruption and fulfilling the agreements reached in a series of “national dialogue” sessions that ended last year. Those demands have helped bolster public support for the Houthis — which remains strong — in a country where corruption has gutted the state and appears to have worsened since Mr. Hadi became president after the uprising of 2011.
    But the Houthis are often seen through the lens of their identity as revivalist Zaydis, a group that was dominant in Yemen’s government for centuries and was then marginalized in recent decades. They modeled themselves in important ways on Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shiite militia, and though their ideology and leadership are distinct and unmistakably Yemeni, they are allied with Iran, which has provided them with weapons, training, and money, especially since 2011.
    The Houthis’ continuing and bloody battle with Al Qaeda has led some in the West to see them as potential partners, despite the trademark Houthi slogan, “God is great; death to America; death to Israel.”
    Under Yemen’s former president, Mr. Saleh, “the formula was to milk the U.S.A. for support in the fight against Al Qaeda, which was a recipe for more drones and more radicalization,” said Bernard Haykel, a professor at Princeton who has written extensively on Yemen. “The Houthis actually want to fight Al Qaeda, which could be more effective.”

    But the Houthis are also allied with Mr. Saleh, who remains a powerful figure in Yemen and is bent on revenge on those who engineered his ouster during the turmoil of 2011. If the Houthis succeed in consolidating power, many in Yemen expect a bloody power struggle between them and Mr. Saleh’s loyalists in the military and the tribes.
    The Houthis long benefited from a reputation for honesty and discipline, much like their mentor group, Hezbollah. But the arrogant behavior of the Houthi gunmen who descended on Sana in September, bullying government ministers and their ideological opponents, has spent some of that good will. The conflict between the Houthis and their mostly Sunni rivals has led some Yemenis to give up on the state.
    In Taiz, Yemen’s third-largest city, the local governor has taken over the military and intelligence quarters and is effectively governing a city-state. In southern Yemen, which was a separate country from 1970 until 1990 and fought a brief civil war against the north in 1994, many have similarly seized on the Houthi ascendancy as an opportunity to break away. Those aspirations have fueled fears of a wider breakdown that could benefit Al Qaeda, which ejected government officials across a wide stretch of the south in mid-2011 and declared an Islamic emirate that lasted about a year.
     
    Hyperbole

    Hyperbole

    Active Member
    اليمن: رويترز: رئيس الحكومة خالد البحاح قدم استقالته للرئيس منصور هادي

    اليمن: مصدر رئاسي: إستقالة الرئيس اليمني عبد ربه منصور هادي - الجزيرة
     
    Venom

    Venom

    Legendary Member
    اليمن: مصدر رئاسي: إستقالة الرئيس اليمني عبد ربه منصور هادي - الجزيرة
    That was so quick , the GCC are kicked out from Yemen now.
     
    Lebanese Pride

    Lebanese Pride

    Well-Known Member
    Orange Room Supporter
    Iranian imperialism and terrorism at its best.

    This game Iran is playing is gonna come back to bite them in the face bad, just ask Bashar that allowed the "terrorist" to enter Iraq to fight the American and how quickly American turned the tables.
     
    Danny Z

    Danny Z

    Legendary Member
    After the Egyptian president, another icon brought to power following the arab spring falls, so much for the Arab spring, winter is coming.
     
    EuroMode

    EuroMode

    Active Member
    اليمن: انفجارات عنيفة تهز ساحة المنصورة بعدن تعقبها اشتباكات​
     
    J. Abizeid

    J. Abizeid

    Well-Known Member
    Yemen's US-backed president quits; country could split apart - Businessweek
    [h=1]Yemen's US-backed president quits; country could split apart[/h]January 22, 2015

    SANAA, Yemen (AP) — Yemen's U.S.-backed president quit Thursday under pressure from rebels holding him captive in his home, severely complicating American efforts to combat al-Qaida's powerful local franchise and raising fears that the Arab world's poorest country will fracture into mini-states.
    Presidential officials said Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi submitted his resignation to parliament rather than make further concessions to Shiite rebels, known as Houthis, who control the capital and are widely believed to be backed by Iran.
    The prime minister and his cabinet also stepped down, making a thinly veiled reference to the Houthis' push at gunpoint for a greater share of power. Houthis deployed their fighters around parliament, which is due to discuss the situation on Sunday.

    Yemeni law dictates that the parliament speaker — Yahia al-Rai, a close ally of former autocratic ruler Ali Abdullah Saleh — will now assume the presidency. Saleh still wields considerable power and is widely believed to be allied with the Houthis.
    There were conflicting reports suggesting that authorities in Aden, the capital of southern region of Yemen, would no longer submit to the central government's authority. Even before the Houthis' recent ascendance, a powerful movement in southern Yemen was demanding autonomy or a return to the full independence the region enjoyed before 1990. Southerners outrightly reject rule by the Houthis, whose power base is in the north. The Houthis are Zaydis, a Shiite minority that makes up about a third of Yemen's population.
    Concerns were also mounting about an economic collapse. Two-thirds of Yemen's population are already in need of humanitarian aid, according to reported U.N. figures. Iran's regional rival Saudi Arabia, which has long been Yemen's economic lifeline, cut most of its financial aid to Yemen after the Houthis seized the capital in September. The Houthis deny receiving any Iranian support.

    The Houthis' recent encroachments on Sunni areas have also fanned fears of a sectarian conflict that could fuel support for al-Qaida, a Sunni movement that has links to some of the country's tribes and is at war with both the Shiites and Hadi's forces. U.S. officials say the developments are already undermining military and intelligence operations against al-Qaida's Yemen-based affiliate, which made its reach felt in this month's deadly Paris attacks.
    Hadi's resignation comes four months after President Barack Obama cited Yemen as a terrorism success story in a September speech outlining his strategy against the Islamic State group in Iraq and Syria, which involves targeted U.S. strikes on militants with the cooperation of a friendly ground force. Obama called it an approach "that we have successfully pursued in Yemen and Somalia for years."
    In Washington on Thursday, State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said the U.S. was still trying to sort out what was happening on the ground and had made no decisions yet regarding embassy staffing.

    The resignations mark the collapse of an internationally backed transition that compelled Saleh, who ruled for three decades, to resign in 2012 following months of Arab Spring protests.
    Hadi's rule was deeply undermined by Saleh loyalists who retained posts in state institutions and the security apparatus. Last year the U.N. Security Council imposed targeted sanctions on Saleh and two top Houthi leaders, accusing them of obstructing the political transition.
    Despite widespread fears, some observers said Thursday's resignation of the elected president could encourage Yemenis to take to the streets just as they did in 2011 in against Saleh.

    "The coming hours will be decisive for Yemen for decades to come. Either they will usher in a new path, new openings, or we say our death prayers," said Yemeni writer Farea Al-Muslimi.
    Shortly after Hadi's resignation, the Supreme Security Committee, the top security body in Aden, the capital of the south, issued orders to all military bases, security bodies and popular committees composed of armed civilians to be on a state of alert and take orders only from Aden central command.
    It was not immediately clear how much mandate the security authorities have over the southern region, and analysts predicted that internal conflict among southern secessionist leaders would probably delay action toward a split with the north.

    The greater threat, they said, is fragmentation of other regions.
    "We are not talking here about split of north and south, but the fracture of the state to small pieces where each tribal region disintegrates," said Al-Muslimi.
    Hadi's resignation came despite efforts by U.N. envoy Jamal Benomar to implement a deal reached Wednesday to resolve the crisis.
    "We reached a deadlock," Hadi said, according to a copy of his letter of resignation obtained by The Associated Press. "We found out that we are unable to achieve the goal, for which we bear a lot of pain and disappointment."
    Presidential adviser Sultan al-Atawani told AP that the Houthis refused to withdraw from the presidential palace, the republican palace where the prime minister lives or from the president's house. They also refused to release a top aide to Hadi whose abduction earlier this week set the violence in motion.
    Military officials close to the president said the Houthis also pressured Hadi to deliver a televised speech to calm the streets. They said the Houthis also demanded appointments in his own office, the Defense Ministry and provincial capitals. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media.
    Shortly before Hadi's resignation, Prime Minister Khaled Bahah submitted his own resignation, saying he feared "being dragged into an abyss of unconstructive policies based on no law."
    Three ministers of his cabinet told AP that they were subjected to heavy pressures from Houthi gunmen who visited them in their homes with list of names of people they want to appoint in their ministries. They spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the information.
     
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